The following is a talk given by Michael Warschawski at The Haifa Conference for the Right of Return (June 20-21, 2008)
Before dealing with the topic of the Palestinian refugees and the Right of Return, I would like to say a few words following the interesting remarks of my friend Omar Barghouti on the issue of “one democratic state.” In my opinion, the core of our discussions should not be about solutions and models, but values and rights. In that perspective, one has to unequivocally reject the very idea (and existence) of a Jewish state, whatever will be its borders. For a Jewish state (in the demographic sense of the concept) necessarily implies the drive for exclusion and expulsion. Any ethnic (or confessional) state considers the non-dominant ethnicity as a threat, and aspires to its disappearance through more or less violent means. As former Yugoslavia and Rwanda have tragically shown, ethnic states are always both the cause and the result of mass-expulsions and massacres, and the ethnic cleansing of Palestine in 1947-1949 is one among many examples of that historical phenomenon.
Our conception of democracy is based on a state of and for all its citizens (and refugees), with no discrimination based on ethnic, national or religious belonging, a state where all the cultural or national groups comprising its society are treated in an equal manner.
In the last decade, a new approach to deal with the issue of Palestinian refugees has been suggested, primarily by the Zionist Left. It is a sort of compromise based on the separation between the Right of Return and the actual return of refugees. According to this “compromise,” Israel will repent its sins of 1948 and formally recognize the Right of Return of the Refugees, and, in exchange, the Palestinians will renounce their Right of Return. What a deal!
This compromise is obviously unacceptable, including from a mere juridical point of view: the right of a refugee to return home is non-negotiable, individual and heritable, quite similar to property rights under capitalism. Neither the PLO nor the United Nations can bargain away the individual rights of the Palestinian refugees.
The immorality of a deal in which Israel will recognize a right in exchange for the renouncement by the victims to implement that right is so blatant that the US mediators have required a “symbolic implementation” (of a few thousand old people) that Israel will be able to describe as “humanitarian family reunification.”
But—and this is not less important—such a deal is not good for the Israelis either. The existence of the Palestinian refugees is the core factor in the Israeli mental disorder and neurosis of Israeli society’s collective psyche. Consciously or not, Israeli society is haunted by the ghosts of the Naqba, and the brutality—domestic violence as well as the violence directed toward its Arab surroundings—of Israeli behavior, is the result of a permanent fear. Not the fear of the Arab armies, nor the fear of the alleged Iranian nuclear armament, but the fear of the ghosts of 1948, the refugees.
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