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Wednesday, May 01, 2024

Workers Must Prepare Industrial Action to Halt Police Crackdown on Student Anti-genocide Protests

 

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/05/02/pers-m02.html

Workers are witnessing the beginning stages of martial law in the United States. While there is a long history of the use of police against anti-war protests, there is no precedent for the attempt to illegalize opposition to a genocide, which is being openly backed by the US government.

Against peaceful demonstrators, local governments controlled by both parties, and in coordination with the White House, have flooded campuses with riot cops and mounted police, backed with drones and snipers, to beat and arrest thousands. While they claim this is needed to “restore order,” police are working with the extreme right, who at UCLA attacked protesters with fireworks and blunt weapons while police stood by. Even open massacres of students like at Kent State in 1970 are being considered, as shown by demands to deploy the National Guard to universities.

The unanimous support for the crackdown exposes the character of the political system as an instrument of class rule. Both parties also overcame their differences in 2022 to ban a national strike by railroad workers.

Getting the “home front” in order is seen as a necessary first step in preparing for massively unpopular military escalation and war crimes on a scale which have not been seen since the end of World War II. In the first instance, this means the Israeli invasion of Rafah, which would be, by far, the worst atrocity so far in the seven-month-long genocide in the Gaza Strip.

The genocide in Gaza and US war plans against Iran are only one front in an emerging world war. The campus crackdowns came as both parties voted to pass funding, not only for Israel but for the military in Ukraine, as well as for Taiwan, which would act as a tripwire in a future war against China.

Workers and their children will be shipped off to fight these wars, which are being paid for by the destruction of wages, pensions, healthcare and social programs. These wars have already claimed hundreds of thousands of lives but also threaten nuclear annihilation.

The Crisis of Political Perspective of the Gaza Protests--WSWS.org--Socialist Equality Party Australia

‘The Meaning of May Day’ (1907) by Rosa Luxemburg -- via @ClaraWeiss_WSWS




May Day is a living historical element of the international proletarian class struggle and therefore it has faithfully reflected for almost twenty years all the phases, all the factors of the class struggle. From an external viewpoint it seems to be the same monotonous repetition of the same speeches and articles, of the same demands and resolutions. And those whose glance cannot penetrate behind the meaningless surface of things and grasp their essence, believe that thru constant repetition the celebration of May Day has lost its entire significance, that it has become practically an “empty demonstration”. But under the apparently similar external circumstances May Day reveals within itself the constantly changing pulse of the proletarian struggle! It is part of the life of the labor movement, therefore changes with it, and reflects, in its spiritual content, in its sentiment, in its tenseness, the changing situation of the class struggle.

Phases of May Day

The inner history of May Day has passed thru three great phases. In its early years, when it had to force the way open before it, it was greeted with the tense expectations and elevated sentiments of the proletarians of all countries. The workers had won a new weapon for their arsenal. and the first attempts to use this weapon intensified the feeling of power and the joy of struggle of the millions of exploited and oppressed. On the other side, the new demonstration of the class struggle evoked in the bourgeoisie of all countries the deepest hatred and fear. The idea of an international Socialist demonstration appeared to it as the returning ghost of the old International and the eager response to a simultaneous. world celebration of labor, as the death-knell of the entire rule of capital. This accounts for the insane preparations made in the early years to overcome the dangers of May Day with the most brutal police and military violence.

And of course the place of vanguard in the armed battalions of the terrified bourgeoisie was taken by the “free republic” of France–only second to Czarist absolutism, first blood shed by the proletariat in the name of May Day flowed in 1891 in Fourmies (France) and, in 1892 in Lodz, Russian Poland.

But it did not take long before the rulers grew calmer and began to recognize the purely demonstrative character of May Day. Of course this was associated with the long period of primarily parliamentary struggle and the quiet development of political and trade union organizations, that now set in the labor movement. In Germany the first May Day was marked by the collapse of the Socialist “exception law”. In 1893 the Belgian proletariat won access to parliament; in 1896, the Austrian. At any rate, the nineties were a decade of active trade union work and irresistible growth of the parliamentary representation of labor. The demonstration of the laboring masses themselves retreated before the action of the representatives of labor; the idea of the international community of the proletariat retreated before the positive activity and the extension of the workers parties in every country. Gradually May Day became a peaceful folk-festival, regarded with considerable equanimity by bourgeois society.

In recent years a noticeable change in the situation of the labor movement has set in. A fresh wind blows over the fields of battle. In the East the great Russian Revolution. In Germany a sharpening and intensification of the political and economic struggle: extensive lock-out activities against the workers in industry and the consolidation of all bourgeois parties for the parliamentary lock-out of the working class. In France a brutal crusade of the “radical” government against the trade unions and a series of bitter wage struggles. Aroused by the powerful growth of the proletarian organizations during the last fifteen years, terrified by the Russian Revolution, the international bourgeoisie becomes nervous, savage, aggressive.

May Day Arises Anew

And thereby May Day enters upon a new phase. As the immediate demonstration of the masses–their only direct political action hitherto outside of elections, it becomes filled with a new content, with a new spirit, to the degree that the sharpening of the class struggle again pushed to the foreground the role of the proletarian masses. The more that reaction, that the rule of, naked violence of the bourgeoisie contests every step forward in the interests of the proletariat upon the economic and political fields, the more do we approach the time in which the masses will take matters into their own hands, in which the masses will be called upon to defend in their own person the interests of their class emancipation. To prepare ourselves to meet these inevitable times, to arm ourselves in the expectation of these times with the consciousness of our duty and our power, that is today the task of the proletariat and May Day, as the direct demonstration of the masses, is a means towards this end.

At the same time another factor steps into the foreground with vigor: the internationality of the cause of the working class. As long as the class struggle had the least bit of democratic elbow-room and as long as the day of positive parliamentary work lasted, the labor movement was dominated by the peculiarities of its national surroundings, by its national dispersal. But as soon as the fundamental forces of the class struggle arise from the depths of capitalist society to the surface, as soon as the struggle throws the masses sharply up against the ruling powers, then the idea of the world proletariat, one and indivisible, again revives. The preparations of the bourgeoisie of all countries for May Day this year recalls to the proletariat that its struggle for emancipation is one and the same in all countries. Today, at the head of the army of world labor stands the Russian proletariat, the proletariat of the land of revolution. And the revolutionary struggles of the proletariat of this country, its experiences, its problems, constitute the great historical school for our coming great struggles. May Day this year again arouses–as it did in its early days–the hatred and fear of the bourgeoisie; by the working masses, however, it is greeted with determination and the joy of battle, From the very beginning a proletarian demonstration for the eight hour day and against war, it has gradually become a demonstration for the proletarian revolution. Not the decline but the tremendous rise of May Day lies ahead of us for it is borne aloft by the same storm-wind that is already sweeping over the surface of bourgeois society and that will lead us to bitter struggles and to final victory!

As ICC Reportedly Prepares War Crimes Charges, Israeli Officials Call to Bomb Rafah--WSWS

 https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/05/01/uhdg-m01.html

EXCERPT:

Yesterday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu pledged that his troops will assault Rafah, where 1.5 million defenseless Palestinian civilians now live in refugee camps. He added that he would not under any conditions spare Rafah, whether or not a deal was reached on an exchange of hostages held by the Israeli government and Hamas authorities in Gaza.

“The idea that we will stop the war before achieving all its aims is not an option,” Netanyahu said. “We will enter Rafah, and we will eliminate the Hamas battalions there—whether or not there is a deal—in order to achieve total victory.”

The war on Gaza has exacted a truly horrific toll. At least 34,535 Palestinians have been confirmed killed, over 10,000 have died under the rubble of bombed-out buildings, and 77,704 have been wounded. Over 1 million Palestinians are suffering severe hunger as Israeli forces cut off Gaza’s access to food, medicine and other basic necessities. Yet Netanyahu declared that he would not under any conditions agree to Hamas’ appeals to halt the genocidal onslaught on Gaza.

Netanyahu said, “Hamas insists on one thing—the end of the war—but it will not get it. I am not ready to give it. Therefore, if this is the situation—and indeed this is, currently—[the deal] will not happen. There may be people saying they are ready to end the war and let Hamas return. I won’t accept that.”

Netanyahu’s pledge to continue the war and bomb more than a million defenseless civilians in Rafah was his government’s response to reports that the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague is preparing to issue arrest warrants against Israeli officials on war crimes charges. Comfortable in the knowledge that the major NATO powers support its atrocities in Gaza, the regime is brazenly proclaiming its intention to commit genocidal war crimes.

ICC officials have warned for months that they were investigating Israeli officials’ conduct of the war and, in particular, their threats to destroy Rafah. “I am deeply concerned by the reported bombardment and potential ground incursion by Israeli forces in Rafah,” ICC prosecutor Karim Khan wrote on X/Twitter, adding: “As I have repeatedly emphasised, those who do not comply with the law should not complain later when my Office takes action pursuant to its mandate.”

Indeed, even NATO officials admit that attacking Rafah would mean committing war crimes against the Palestinian people. Yesterday, British Deputy Foreign Secretary Andrew Mitchell told the British Parliament: “Given the number of civilians sheltering in Rafah, it’s not easy to see how such an offensive could be compliant with international humanitarian law in the current circumstances.”

NY Police Assault Student Protesters after White House Denounces Anti-genocide Occupation at Columbia--WSWS

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/04/25/fwco-a25.html

New York police assault student protesters after White House denounces anti-genocide occupation at Columbia

At around 9 p.m. Tuesday night, hundreds of New York Police Department (NYPD) riot police descended on Columbia University to conduct mass arrests of students protesting the ongoing genocide in Gaza.

Video shared on social media shows heavily armored police arresting students and faculty attempting to block their access to the university.

In order to prevent objective documentation of their brutality, police forced legal observers, press and medics to leave the campus area, and even public streets nearby, before they began their assault. As of this writing it is unclear how many protesters have been arrested and the extent of their injuries.

The police brutality witnessed at Columbia Tuesday night was replicated across the country. At the University of South Florida in Tampa, riot police were recorded firing tear gas and rubber bullets against unarmed and peaceful protesters.

The Bonk Song--Honoring Students Who Are Fighting for Palestine

 https://youtube.com/shorts/u3xuLD7a-No?feature=shared



Monday, March 25, 2024

Julian Assange and the Fight Against Imperialist War

 https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/03/25/ymiy-m25.html

EXCERPT:

As we wrote in a subsequent Perspective: “The forces arrayed against Assange by the UK and US states are powerful. But there is another, even more formidable force which has yet to have its say—the British, American and international working class.”

The task we face is this: we, and I include everyone here tonight, must devote our energies to convincing the working class of the burning relevance of the Assange case for its own interests, and of the need for them to take up the fight on his behalf.

This means cutting through the mountain of lies and slanders and breaking out of the narrow confines in which the official campaign for Assange’s freedom has been confined. It means going to the workers, to the younger generation of workers and students in particular, fighting to clarify the essential political issues raised and outlining a strategy on which to fight back.

The fact that the United States is pursuing Assange under the Espionage Act is historically revealing. As we wrote four years ago:

“The precedents for Assange’s trial under the Espionage Act are the mass roundups of socialists and anarchist groups carried out in the years after the law was first established in 1917. Fearful of the revolutionary movements swelling across the world, the US government outlawed political opposition to the First World War and agitation for workers’ strikes and protests.

“Assange’s case is preparation for a similar assault on the working class.”

That is now being played out. Sunak’s government is seeking to make standing up for the truth of what is happening in Gaza a crime to try and crush the growing anti-war movement. His extremism definition is part of a pattern of governments preparing for war not only with their opponents abroad, but with what they see as the main enemy—the working class at home. It joins laws attacking the right to strike, protest and blow the whistle on state crimes.

The ruling class are preparing for a clash they know is coming because their policies, above all their war policies, cannot be pursued except through a further assault on already gutted living standards and state provision. Assange’s case has been the canary in the coalmine for these preparations.

Opposing war and defending democratic rights are the vital questions confronting the international working class today and that struggle must have Assange’s freedom inscribed on its banner. It must learn from his case to prepare for the battles ahead.

In conclusion, I will be blunt: we have lost a lot of time. This really is the 11th hour for Julian Assange and for everything his case represents. We cannot start from a position of pessimism in our ability to build a mass movement. What I hope this speech has demonstrated is the potential for such a movement, and how it has been thwarted not primarily by the attacks of Assange’s enemies but by the rotten perspective of those who were supposed to defend him.

A break with that perspective will prepare the way for a broad campaign, embracing the most energetic and principled fighters in their workplaces, neighbourhoods, and universities.

In the last years the Socialist Equality Party has collaborated with workers including bus drivers, postal workers, teachers, and tea plantation workers, and with students, in the UK, Australia, the United States, Germany and Sri Lanka to form rank-and-file committees which have all passed resolutions in Assange’s defence. We have held rallies in all those countries.

To those here today we say: join us in this campaign and in the fight for socialism against dictatorship and war. And join the Socialist Equality Party.