Excerpts below; whole article at link: http://www.paltelegraph.com/hot-topic/4126-us-expanded-weapons-stockpiling-in-israel
US, February 11, 2010 (Pal Telegraph) - Sameh Habeeb, a young, independent, Palestinian journalist, lived in a modest house in the middle of Gaza City in December 2008. From his bedroom window, Habeeb reported to international news outlets exactly what he saw night after night during Israel's lethal 22-day assault. On one occasion, Habeeb told Truthout, "the Apache helicopter gunship hovered less than 200 meters away from us. The children, my brothers and sisters, were hiding in the corners of the house, taking shelter. It was horrendous. The sky was dark; there was nothing but the sound and the red lights of the Apache, the screams of the children, and the sound of the bombings close by. The house shook like an earthquake every time there was a bombing. I thought I was going to be the next victim. We smelled the gun powder everywhere."
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According to a Jan. 11 report in the weekly paper Defense News, the Obama administration had previously mapped out a plan that would place $400 million worth of military equipment in Israel. However, the project was doubled in scope after a meeting in December between the Israeli military's technology and logistics branch and Rear Adm. Andy Brown, logistics director of the U.S. Army European Command.
Included in this agreement is the provision that Israel, after approval from the U.S. government, would be able to access the American weapon and ammunition stockpile in case of a military "emergency." The terms and definition of such an "emergency," including against whom the weaponry could be used, remain unclear.
Barbara Opall-Rome reported that "[w]artime emergencies warranting Israeli use of such weaponry typically require Israel to reimburse Washington under foreign military sales procedures." However, conveniently for Israel, "[r]eimbursement costs are funded through annual U.S. military grant aid to Israel."
During the election campaign and over its last year in office, the Obama administration has repeatedly demonstrated its commitment to what it calls "Israel's security."
An anonymous U.S. defense official stated that Washington believes that up until now, "[American] economics and inflation were taking their toll on the Israel-based pre-positioning," thereby limiting - in relative terms - the procurement of weapons caches by the Israeli government.
Missiles, armored vehicles, aerial ammunition and artillery ordnance have already been stockpiled in Israel since the U.S. Congress began expanding their "forward basing" program in 1990. South Korea remains a U.S. ally, enjoying a similar agreement with the U.S. government. Opall-Rome wrote that the value of the American stockpile in Israel began with "a starting ceiling of $100 million that quickly grew to $300 million following the 1991 war in Iraq ... Under the new agreement, Israel not only gains access to more armaments, but enjoys greater latitude in the categories and specific types of weaponry it can request for in-country storage."
Raytheon, a weapons manufacturer headquartered in Waltham, Mass., is a prime contractor for U.S.-administered arms deals with Israel. Among Raytheon's arsenal of unconventional weapons is the 2.2-ton GBU 28 "bunker-buster" "mini-nuke" bomb that was used against Iraq in 1991, and then swiftly dispatched to Israel during the height of that country's 2006 attack against Lebanon. The weapon can blast through 100 feet of earth and 20 feet of solid concrete. Raytheon's spokesperson refused to answer Truthout's questions regarding its expanding relationship with Israel. His response to a query about Raytheon's possible role in fulfilling the $800 million stockpiling agreement was a curt "no comment," and he told Truthout to "ask the U.S. government" about further details.
Ohio Democratic Congressman Dennis Kucinich told Truthout that there is no oversight process for the stockpiling deals with Israel. "There is no monitoring," he said. He noted that these weapons stockpiling agreements send a worrisome message to the people in the region. "What's troubling is the pullback from serious diplomatic initiatives ... and the reliance on weapons to solve what are really diplomatic issues. There's no doubt that there is some strategic consideration at work. And there is the fact that several U.S. administrations now have failed to enforce the Arms Export Control Act. The policies are not consonant with peace.They're consonant with war."
In the December 2009 Congressional Research Report to Congress, prepared for U.S. representatives preceding their vote in the House to approve funding for such programs, it is pointed out that Israel was designated in 1998 as a "major non-NATO ally," which "qualifies" the state to receive excess defense articles under Section 516 of the Foreign Assistance Act and Section 23(a) of the Arms Export Control Act.
Frida Berrigan of the U.S. Arms Trade Resource Center at the World Policy Institute in New York noted that the U.S. State Department originally raised questions about Israel's use of cluster bomb munitions during the 2006 Lebanon assault -- saying it was concerned about the amount of bomblets that were dropped. "But after a year of its own investigation," Berrigan told Truthout, "the results were officially 'inconclusive.' A report was forwarded to the U.S. Congress, and that's where it ended. If Israel uses these [U.S.-made] weapons, it is defined under 'defense' as far as Congress is concerned. Because under the Arms Export Controls Act, there are no set activities, no definition of what 'defense' really means."
Berrigan explained that although Congress routinely questions other weapons packages for allied countries, military aid to Israel is rarely, if ever, challenged. "There is a fast-track mechanism [for Israel] in place.
The recent decision to double American weaponry and military equipment stockpiles on Israeli soil comes on the heels of Obama's recent signing of a $30 billion, 10-year agreement to expand U.S. military aid to the Israeli government. The first installment of the aid package, $2.775 billion, was released in December by President Obama, and was earmarked completely for Israel's military budget, instead of both civilian and military infrastructure as was the case previously. This massive military package is over and above the annual $3.1 billion in loan guarantees for Israel that the Obama administration plans to continue.
As a part of the 10-year agreement, Israel is required to spend 75 percent of the package on the purchase of American-made military equipment and ammunition, intended to further subsidize U.S. weapons manufacturers. This arrangement was conceived by the Bush administration and former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, and was designed, Berrigan explained, to "lock in" the US-Israeli military relationship, tying the hands of the forthcoming US administration. "This benefits only the American weapons manufacturers," she said, "and it sets the Obama administration up with a solid framework which Israel sought out and insisted on ahead of time. Once again, the United States was eager to comply."
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